Features
Gamini Dissanayake – the Visionary
In Retrospect
By Nanda Abeywickrama
That fateful mid-night of 24th of October 1994 was one of unbelievable shock and deep sadness. Sri Lanka lost a promising presidential candidate, erudite and dependable political leader and above all a wonderful human being, at the hands of the dreaded LTTE. Srima Dissanayake lost her beloved soulmate and the young family an endearing father and guide. It was the end of a saga and a turning point in national politics. As we commemorate this unfortunate event and going back four decades and more in time brings me to September 1976 when after nearly seven years in the then Ministry of Agricultures and Lands under the leadership of Minister Kobbekaduwa and Secretary Mahinda Silva I left for Cambridge University to pursue postgraduate studies in Land Policy my chosen field as an SLAS Officer. My immediate boss, K H J Wijayadasa, said, “Nanda, you are very lucky to be away at this unpredictable juncture”.
His words proved prophetic; the next few months had been chaotic, characterized by internal dissension in the government ranks, severe shortages of essentials, trade union strikes, agitations and demonstrations.
By the time I returned to the country, in September 1977, Sri Lanka had witnessed a sea change: a change of government, some communal riots and plans for a shift from the parliamentary system of government to an executive presidency and blue prints for an unprecedented development thrust. Gamini Dissanayake, at age 35, was a leading driver in this team. Paradoxically, although my specialization was in Land Policy, I was sucked in to the Ministry of Public Administration and Home Affairs under the leadership of Minister Montague Jayawickrema and Secretary D B I Siriwardana. When I expressed my preference to be back in my Agriculture and Lands Ministry DBI gave a strong warning that SLAS officers had to be fitted in where their services are needed and I was ‘fitted in’ as Senior Assistant Secretary-in-charge of District Administration. I settled down to my task the bulk of which was transferring Assistant Government Agents at the whim and fancy of new local politicians.
My first encounter with Minister Gamini Dissanayake was around March 1978 when Engineer Douglas Ladduwahetty then Chairman of the Mahaweli Development Board introduced me at the makeshift Ministry office at Darley Road. My first impression of the Minister was positive; very positive. He had a charming and calm disposition and a cultured and charismatic personality. He inquired about my background but seemed to know a lot more! the Minister invited me immediately to join his Ministry but there were processes to go through.
As a Member of the Accelerated Mahaweli Project (AMP) Task Force, which met every week and reported progress to the President at an evening meeting every fortnight, I had a ringside view of how the AMP was evolving and the leadership provided by Minister Dissanayake. Although the government had made a formal decision the AMP was not as yet fully accepted by the public or by the financiers. It required a lot of convincing –of opposition parliamentarians and their supporters and equally or more important, the donor community. The then Finance Minister Ronnie De Mel has recounted the massive efforts taken to lobby heads of state and mufti – national donors to garner funds for the AMP.
At this juncture, the AMP had many detractors on grounds of high costs, doability and the risks of heavy foreign borrowing. The task of convincing fell squarely on Minister Dissanayake’s shoulders. Based on professional advice he was able to use his persuasive skills to convince the head of state that the AMP was doable and having got it, to take on the detractors of the calibre of Dr Colvin R De Silva and of Dr. N. M Perera and convince them using his communication and inter-personal skills. He was equally comfortable with testy international and multi-national donors as with local and international NGOs and civil society representatives to get them on board in his fund-raising drive.
Between March and September1978 a massive effort was in operation behind the scenes to reach consensus on the scope of the project, initiate feasibility studies and to engage with international and multi-lateral donors to identify funding. Practically every week at dinner meetings with donors Minister Gamini was in his elements marketing the project with a range of donors who had been evading Sri Lanka in previous years. He was so effective that by the latter part of the year donors were scrambling for a piece of the cake. The legal framework for the Mahaweli Authority of Sri Lanka (MASL) too was formulated during this period.
Unlike in the present day there was a rationale in the assignment of subjects, functions and agencies to the Ministry. Positioning pedigreed departments like the Surveyor General’s, Forests, Irrigation. Land Settlement and Land Commissioner along with related Boards and Corporations was conducive to developing an integrated strategy and work plans which we identified as natural resources management in line with contemporary scientific thinking. MLLD was also positioned to provide technical advice and support to the AMP. I got the Minister’s blessings both to procure the best national and international expertise for advice as well as to hand pick my professional team of senior technical officers and administrators together with reputed managers drawn from the private sector.
We immediately set about obtaining expert advice and assistance from Cambridge University in formulating our scope and from the Indian Institute of Management on implementation in partnership with ARTI, SLIDA and national Universities. Working closely with related ministries Of MMD, Agriculture, Home Affairs and of Planning we developed a mini six year plan and a strategy for endorsement by government in order that the administrative machinery that has to deliver is on all fours with the Ministry’s philosophy and strategy. We established a close rapport with the Government Agents (District Secretaries) who were a critical link in the implementation of our programmes. This worked out very effectively in delivering our programmes to the grass roots level where our target group the rural poor were struggling with the land and water in their immediate environment. Despite his preoccupation with the AMP and other interests as cricket, and trade unions, the Minister paid due attention to the programmes of MLLD to reach out to the rural poor in the rest of the country.
This strategy worked as the Agencies and the District administration adopted a collegial spirit to deliver the services. In a short period of time, we had taken corrective action to streamline the allocation of state land to the landless, to rationalize the management of village irrigation systems and to be very stringent in the use and management of forests that had been heavily over-exploited over a long time. This approach enabled us to raise concessional funds from international and multi-lateral donors to mount a medium term programme for the rehabilitation of practically all irrigation systems starting with the Gal Oya Rehabilitation Project all of which had suffered from years of under investment, introducing sound land management practices and titling culminating in the Swarnabhoomi programme, and above all scientific forest management and planning leading to the preparation of a 30-year Forestry Master Plan. In order to widen the field and bring them up to speed with global trends we were able to host the headquarters of the International Irrigation Management Institute (IIMI now IWMI) though an Agreement signed in September 1983 and the Regional office of the IUCN later in the decade.
Minister Gamini provided the leadership in all these endeavours without reservation and at a political level warded off any resistance or distraction keeping to a clearly identified path. He also maintained very cordial relations with our friendly donors and lobbied intensively in Cabinet which helped in no small measure to raise concessional funding for our long term programmes The MLLD annual budget which started in 1978 at below Rs200 Million grew exponentially to over Rs 2 Billion within a decade maintaining staff strength with only a marginal increase yet improving management effectiveness though through capacity building.
The relationship between a Minister and the (Permanent) Secretary is not clearly laid out anywhere since a lot depends on the personality of each except that the Secretary as Chief Accounting Officer for the Ministry and its Agencies is solely accountable for managing its finances. He left this responsibility entirely in my hands with minimum interference such that after 10 years of working together there were no financial probes, adverse reports or scandals in our operation. In regard to man management the situation was rather dodgy because the 1972 Constitution brought most staff under the control of the Minister and not the Public Service Commission that we were accustomed to.
Minister Dissanayake however in his first briefing after my appointment said “I want to do my politics; you run the Ministry” and thus gave me a blank cheque but it was a tall order. I had to reciprocate by contributing my best effort. The Minister allowed me to select my senior team like Additional Secretaries s and Divisional Directors and discretion in the selection of Heads of Departments, most of whom that I selected were the best available and happened to be my close colleagues from the SLAS and from my Agriculture Ministry days. My administrative tasks became easy because all selectees were self-motivated, highly competent and dependable qualified and experienced having held senior positions in government.
Minister Dissanayake’s achievements in designing Mahaweli as a dynamic and futuristic settlement model, and in getting Test status for Sri Lanka Cricket are well known. Beyond that what impressed me most was his eagerness and constant interest in working towards a modernized Sri Lankan society by the year 2000.He was always receptive to new and novel ideas that could march towards that vision. He knew the constraints in working through a slow-moving administrative system and was ever willing to support measures that could overcome them.
Minister Gamini was a champion of parliamentary democracy; he believed in the value of open and intense debate and dialogue to reach consensus as his parliamentary and public speeches would demonstrate; he accepted the role of intellectuals and professionals in the governance and development processes, the criticality of consistency and continuity in administrative and management structures for governance and the imperatives of keeping pace with emerging global trends through the medium of information technology that was beginning to sweep across the world. Armed with his wide knowledge base acquired through constant reading and combined with his remarkable communication skills as a public speaker Sri Lanka would have reached out to a very wide global audience and benefitted from their contributions the scale of which it is difficult to visualize in retrospect.
Going by my 10-year experience with him in the 1980s, had Gamini survived and led Sri Lanka, the country would have been in the upper middle income category, with its economy growing at around 8%; about 50% of the Sri Lankan population would have been enjoying urban lifestyles and moving towards a sustainable development paradigm deeply conscious of the need to handle the challenges of unfolding climate change scenarios and a sound natural resources management regime. Sri Lanka has lost a leader with a vision to transform its economy and society through a smooth transition from a war ravaged, ethnically estranged nation heavily dependent on worker remittances to a tech savvy, modern, dynamic and sustainable society that could match the best of the emerging economies not merely in the Asian Region but anywhere in the world. That was the dream he did not live to realize.
Frequent references to Gamini in the media in different contexts confirm that he still enjoys wide acceptance as a committed political leader who could realize Sri Lanka’s potential in the medium term. As of today, though, we do not see a leader of that calibre in the making. The best tribute to Gamini would be for emerging political leaders to take the cue from him and pursue his political philosophy and strategies for the welfare of our citizens and inspire a new generation of young politicians and professionals to pursue those goals.
Author
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There’s an ill more dangerous and pervasive than the Coronavirus that’s currently sweeping Sri Lanka. That is the fear to express one’s convictions. Across the public sector of the country in particular many persons holding high office are stringently regulating and controlling the voices of their consciences and this bodes ill for all and the country.
The corrupting impact of fear was discussed in this column a couple of weeks ago when dealing with the military coup in Myanmar. It stands to the enduring credit of ousted Myanmarese Head of Government Aung San Suu Kyi that she, perhaps for the first time in the history of modern political thought, singled out fear, and not power, as the principal cause of corruption within the individual; powerful or otherwise.
To be sure, power corrupts but the corrupting impact of fear is graver and more devastating. For instance, the fear in a person holding ministerial office or in a senior public sector official, that he would lose position and power as a result of speaking out his convictions and sincere beliefs on matters of the first importance, would lead to a country’s ills going unaddressed and uncorrected.
Besides, the individual concerned would be devaluing himself in the eyes of all irrevocably and revealing himself to be a person who would be willing to compromise his moral integrity for petty worldly gain or a ‘mess of pottage’. This happens all the while in Lankan public life. Some of those who have wielded and are wielding immense power in Sri Lanka leave very much to be desired from these standards.
It could be said that fear has prevented Sri Lanka from growing in every vital respect over the decades and has earned for itself the notoriety of being a directionless country.
All these ills and more are contained in the current controversy in Sri Lanka over the disposal of the bodies of Covid victims, for example. The Sri Lankan polity has no choice but to abide by scientific advice on this question. Since authorities of the standing of even the WHO have declared that the burial of the bodies of those dying of Covid could not prove to be injurious to the wider public, the Sri Lankan health authorities could go ahead and sanction the burying of the bodies concerned. What’s preventing the local authorities from taking this course since they claim to be on the side of science? Who or what are they fearing? This is the issue that’s crying out to be probed and answered.
Considering the need for absolute truthfulness and honesty on the part of all relevant persons and quarters in matters such as these, the latter have no choice but to resign from their positions if they are prevented from following the dictates of their consciences. If they are firmly convinced that burials could bring no harm, they are obliged to take up the position that burials should be allowed.
If any ‘higher authority’ is preventing them from allowing burials, our ministers and officials are conscience-bound to renounce their positions in protest, rather than behave compromisingly and engage in ‘double think’ and ‘double talk’. By adopting the latter course they are helping none but keeping the country in a state of chronic uncertainty, which is a handy recipe for social instabiliy and division.
In the Sri Lankan context, the failure on the part of the quarters that matter to follow scientific advice on the burials question could result in the aggravation of Islamophobia, or hatred of the practitioners of Islam, in the country. Sri Lanka could do without this latter phobia and hatred on account of its implications for national stability and development. The 30 year war against separatist forces was all about the prevention by military means of ‘nation-breaking’. The disastrous results for Sri Lanka from this war are continuing to weigh it down and are part of the international offensive against Sri Lanka in the UNHCR.
However, Islamophobia is an almost world wide phenomenon. It was greatly strengthened during Donald Trump’s presidential tenure in the US. While in office Trump resorted to the divisive ruling strategy of quite a few populist authoritarian rulers of the South. Essentially, the manoeuvre is to divide and rule by pandering to the racial prejudices of majority communities.
It has happened continually in Sri Lanka. In the initial post-independence years and for several decades after, it was a case of some populist politicians of the South whipping-up anti-Tamil sentiments. Some Tamil politicians did likewise in respect of the majority community. No doubt, both such quarters have done Sri Lanka immeasurable harm. By failing to follow scientific advice on the burial question and by not doing what is right, Sri Lanka’s current authorities are opening themselves to the charge that they are pandering to religious extremists among the majority community.
The murderous, destructive course of action adopted by some extremist sections among Muslim communities world wide, including of course Sri Lanka, has not earned the condemnation it deserves from moderate Muslims who make-up the preponderant majority in the Muslim community. It is up to moderate opinion in the latter collectivity to come out more strongly and persuasively against religious extremists in their midst. It will prove to have a cementing and unifying impact among communities.
It is not sufficiently appreciated by governments in the global South in particular that by voicing for religious and racial unity and by working consistently towards it, they would be strengthening democratic development, which is an essential condition for a country’s growth in all senses.
A ‘divided house’ is doomed to fall; this is the lesson of history. ‘National security’ cannot be had without human security and peaceful living among communities is central to the latter. There cannot be any ‘double talk’ or ‘politically correct’ opinions on this question. Truth and falsehood are the only valid categories of thought and speech.
Those in authority everywhere claiming to be democratic need to adopt a scientific outlook on this issue as well. Studies conducted on plural societies in South Asia, for example, reveal that the promotion of friendly, cordial ties among communities invariably brings about healing among estranged groups and produces social peace. This is the truth that is waiting to be acted upon.
Author
By Sanjeewa Jayaweera
It was on 3rd January 1972 that our family arrived in Karachi from Moscow. Our departure from Moscow had been delayed for a few weeks due to the military confrontation between Pakistan and India. It ended on 16th December 1971. After that, international flights were not permitted for some time.
The contrast between Moscow and Karachi was unbelievable. First and foremost, Moscow’s temperature was near minus 40 degrees centigrade, while in Karachi, it was sunny and a warm 28 degrees centigrade. However, what struck us most was the extreme warmth with which the airport authorities greeted our family. As my father was a diplomat, we were quickly ushered to the airport’s VIP Lounge. We were in transit on our way to Rawalpindi, the airport serving the capital of Islamabad.
We quickly realized that the word “we are from Sri Lanka” opened all doors just as saying “open sesame” gained entry to Aladdin’s cave! The broad smile, extreme courtesy, and genuine warmth we received from the Pakistani people were unbelievable.
This was all to do with Mrs Sirima Bandaranaike’s decision to allow Pakistani aircraft to land in Colombo to refuel on the way to Dhaka in East Pakistan during the military confrontation between Pakistan and India. It was a brave decision by Mrs Bandaranaike (Mrs B), and the successive governments and Sri Lanka people are still enjoying the fruits of it. Pakistan has been a steadfast and loyal supporter of our country. They have come to our assistance time and again in times of great need when many have turned their back on us. They have indeed been an “all-weather” friend of our country.
Getting back to 1972, I was an early beneficiary of Pakistani people’s love for Sri Lankans. I failed the entrance exam to gain entry to the only English medium school in Islamabad! However, when I met the Principal, along with my father, he said, “Sanjeewa, although you failed the entrance exam, I will this time make an exception as Sri Lankans are our dear friends.” After that, the joke around the family dinner table was that I owed my education in Pakistan to Mrs B!
At school, my brother and I were extended a warm welcome and always greeted “our good friends from Sri Lanka.” I felt when playing cricket for our college; our runs were cheered more loudly than of others.
One particular incident that I remember well was when the Embassy received a telex from the Foreign inistry. It requested that our High Commissioner seek an immediate meeting with the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr Zulifikar Ali Bhutto (ZB), and convey a message from Mrs B. The message requested that an urgent shipment of rice be dispatched to Sri Lanka as there would be an imminent rice shortage. As the Ambassador was not in the station, the responsibility devolved on my father.
It usually takes about a week or more to get an audience with the Prime Minister (PM) of a foreign country due to their busy schedule. However, given the urgency, my father spoke to the Foreign Ministry’s Permanent Sectary, who fortunately was our neighbour and sought an urgent appointment. My father received a call from the PM’s secretary around 10 P.M asking him to come over to the PM’s residence. My father met ZB around midnight. ZB was about to retire to bed and, as such, was in his pyjamas and gown enjoying a cigar! He had greeted my father and had asked, “Mr Jayaweera, what can we do for great friend Madam Bandaranaike?. My father conveyed the message from Colombo and quietly mentioned that there would be riots in the country if there is no rice!
ZB had immediately got the Food Commissioner of Pakistan on the line and said, “I want a shipload of rice to be in Colombo within the next 72 hours!” The Food Commissioner reverted within a few minutes, saying that nothing was available and the last export shipment had left the port only a few hours ago to another country. ZB had instructed to turn the ship around and send it to Colombo. This despite protests from the Food Commissioner about terms and conditions of the Letter of Credit prohibiting non-delivery. Sri Lanka got its delivery of rice!
The next was the visit of Mrs B to Pakistan. On arrival in Rawalpindi airport, she was given a hero’s welcome, which Pakistan had previously only offered to President Gaddafi of Libya, who financially backed Pakistan with his oil money. That day, I missed school and accompanied my parents to the airport. On our way, we witnessed thousands of people had gathered by the roadside to welcome Mrs B.
When we walked to the airport’s tarmac, thousands of people were standing in temporary stands waving Sri Lanka and Pakistan flags and chanting “Sri Lanka Pakistan Zindabad.” The noise emanating from the crowd was as loud and passionate as the cheering that the Pakistani cricket team received during a test match. It was electric!
I believe she was only the second head of state given the privilege of addressing both assemblies of Parliament. The other being Gaddafi. There was genuine affection from Mrs B amongst the people of Pakistan.
I always remember the indefatigable efforts of Mr Abdul Haffez Kardar, a cabinet minister and the President of the Pakistan Cricket Board. From around 1973 onwards, he passionately championed Sri Lanka’s cause to be admitted as a full member of the International Cricket Council (ICC) and granted test status. Every year, he would propose at the ICC’s annual meeting, but England and Australia’s veto kept us out until 1981.
I always felt that our Cricket Board made a mistake by not inviting Pakistan to play our inaugural test match. We should have appreciated Mr Kardar and Pakistan’s efforts. In 1974 the Pakistan board invited our team for a tour involving three test matches and a few first-class games. Most of those who played in our first test match was part of that tour, and no doubt gained significant exposure playing against a highly talented Pakistani team.
Several Pakistani greats were part of the Pakistan and India team that played a match soon after the Central Bank bomb in Colombo to prove that it was safe to play cricket in Colombo. It was a magnificent gesture by both Pakistan and India. Our greatest cricket triumph was in Pakistan when we won the World Cup in 1996. I am sure the players and those who watched the match on TV will remember the passionate support our team received that night from the Pakistani crowd. It was like playing at home!
I also recall reading about how the Pakistani government air freighted several Multi Barrell artillery guns and ammunition to Sri Lanka when the A rmy camp in Jaffna was under severe threat from the LTTE. This was even more important than the shipload of rice that ZB sent. This was crucial as most other countries refused to sell arms to our country during the war.
Time and again, Pakistan has steadfastly supported our country’s cause at the UNHCR. No doubt this year, too, their diplomats will work tirelessly to assist our country.
We extend a warm welcome to Mr Imran Khan, the Prime Minister of Pakistan. He is a truly inspirational individual who was undoubtedly an excellent cricketer. Since retirement from cricket, he has decided to get involved in politics, and after several years of patiently building up his support base, he won the last parliamentary elections. I hope that just as much as he galvanized Sri Lankan cricketers, his political journey would act as a catalyst for people like Kumar Sangakkara and Mahela Jayawardene to get involved in politics. Cricket has been called a “gentleman’s game.” Whilst politics is far from it!.
Author
Believe me, seeing certain videos, on social media, depicting action, on the dance floor, at some of these entertainment venues, got me wondering whether this Coronavirus pandemic is REAL!
To those having a good time, at these particular venues, and, I guess, the management, as well, what the world is experiencing now doesn’t seem to be their concerned.
Obviously, such irresponsible behaviour could create more problems for those who are battling to halt the spread of Covid-19, and the new viriant of Covid, in our part of the world.
The videos, on display, on social media, show certain venues, packed to capacity – with hardly anyone wearing a mask, and social distancing…only a dream..
How can one think of social distancing while gyrating, on a dance floor, that is over crowded!
If this trend continues, it wouldn’t be a surprise if Coronavirus makes its presence felt…at such venues.
And, then, what happens to the entertainment scene, and those involved in this field, especially the musicians? No work, whatsoever!
Lots of countries have closed nightclubs, and venues, where people gather, in order to curtail the spread of this deadly virus that has already claimed the lives of thousands.
Thailand did it and the country is still having lots of restrictions, where entertainment is concerned, and that is probably the reason why Thailand has been able to control the spread of the Coronavirus.
With a population of over 69 million, they have had (so far), a little over 25,000 cases, and 83 deaths, while we, with a population of around 21 million, have over 80,000 cases, and more than 450 deaths.
I’m not saying we should do away with entertainment – totally – but we need to follow a format, connected with the ‘new normal,’ where masks and social distancing are mandatory requirements at these venues. And, dancing, I believe, should be banned, at least temporarily, as one can’t maintain the required social distance, while on the dance floor, especially after drinks.
Police spokesman DIG Ajith Rohana keeps emphasising, on TV, radio, and in the newspapers, the need to adhere to the health regulations, now in force, and that those who fail to do so would be penalised.
He has also stated that plainclothes officers would move around to apprehend such offenders.
Perhaps, he should instruct his officers to pay surprise visits to some of these entertainment venues.
He would certainly have more than a bus load of offenders to be whisked off for PCR/Rapid Antigen tests!
I need to quote what Dr. H.T. Wickremasinghe said in his article, published in The Island of Tuesday, February 16th, 2021:
“…let me conclude, while emphasising the need to continue our general public health measures, such as wearing masks, social distancing, and avoiding crowded gatherings, to reduce the risk of contact with an infected person.
“There is no science to beat common sense.”
But…do some of our folks have this thing called COMMON SENSE!
