Features
A Golden Age in Public Administration
It is arguable that the golden age of public administration in Ceylon/Sri Lanka were the years between 1948 and 1972, probably extending even upto 1989. Before 1948, it was a colonial, bureaucratic administration. Since 1948, Sri Lanka had a Parliamentary democracy. The administrative system during this period was one of collaboration between the administrators and the politicians, each respecting the other’s role.
There was a degree of autonomy for the public service. Most senior administrators of this period worked in English and so did the politicians. The administrators came largely from the University of Ceylon. Moreover, the parliamentarians were genuine representatives of the people, elected directly through a constituency system. The members of Parliament knew their constituents and they in turn knew their parliamentarians. These systems have gradually been eroded.
Elmo De Silva was a senior administrator during this period. His career ranged from the late 1950s to the early 1990s. The first part of his career was in district administration, and the latter part was in the Customs Department and later in the World Customs Organization. He became an international authority on certain aspects of customs administration like trade facilitation. The volume deals with his career, and also with his early life, describing his school days and university life at Peradeniya in the 1950s. His family and personal life is interwoven into the narrative. Running through his life is his love of music. His marriageto his wife, Naomi, comes through the narrative.
The author’s early life was not a bed of roses, nor was it a bed of thorns. One could describe him as belonging to a middle class family, with his father employed in the postal service, most of the time as a postmaster in the outstations. His father was transferred from one place to another and that consequently affected the author’s education as he had to change schools frequently.
The author describes in some detail, the family life of his childhood and the schools he attended. One school in Ratnapura had a class in which children aged six to 16 were placed together – an intriguing mix of primary and adult education. From his early days, the author had musical talent, and music had been one of his life-long interests. When he married Naomi, his musical interests and enjoyment were complemented by that of his wife who was an excellent pianist.
Elmo De Silva had a successful four years at the University at Peradeniya from 1953 to 1957. He ended with an honours degree in Geography. He describes his days at Peradeniya in some detail. Music was one of his interests at the time. He remembers Ivor Jennings, the Vice Chancellor, who made a big difference to Peradeniya at the time. The author is critical of the quality of some of the lectures, especially in his first year when he had to read history. He describes some of the then students by their nicknames which they probably would like to forget in later years. There are also some interesting references to University slang of that time.
From the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Elmo De Silva’s career was in district administration. He first served as an administrative officer in the Department of Agriculture. Then he joined the Land Commissioner’s Department as a District Land Officer and served in the districts of Hambantota, Galle and Polonnaruwa. He describes, the relationship he had with the members of Parliament of those districts. In those days, it was a friendly relationship.
The MPs knew their constituents intimately and were conversant with their problems. This pattern of relationships between the MP and the public servant at the district level has changed dramatically since the MPs came to be selected through proportional representation. The MPs had no familiarity with problems of constituents as they did not represent any particular geographical area within the district.
Elmo De Silva will always be remembered for his role in the second phase of the Kaudulla colonization scheme in the Polonnaruwa District. He was instrumental in opening up 5,000 acres of new land and settling colonists during his years as District Land Officer in Polonnaruwa. The volume describes his experiences of that time.
C. P. de Silva was the member of Parliament for Minneriya and the Minister of Lands, Irrigation and Power. Prior to that, he had been AGA in Polonnaruwa in the 1940s. He had an intimate knowledge of the district and Elmo de Silva had a close relationship with him (as did Ivan Samarawickrama, the then GA). The volume describes the very unusual role of C. P. de Silva in the district, as AGA, MP and Minister of Lands. There is no other politician one can think of, whose diverse roles in his career converged so intimately with the interests of his constituents (Polonnaruwa district was largely one of colonization schemes).
The author has great admiration for C. P. de Silva. “Hon C. P. de Silva was the first to conceive the Mahaweli River Irrigation Project. He thought of this when standing on the Manampitiya bridge in Polonnaruwa, under which the Mahaweli flows. If I remember correct this is referred to in the foreword to the UNDP sponsored feasibility Report”.
One ubiquitous feature of district administration when the working language was English, was the petition writer who converted complaints of the public into some kind of English in a petition which was then delivered to the relevant administrator. The author describes one of these situations. “The first petition I received was against the farm manager of the Mapalana Agricultural Farm. The petition commenced with a very obsequous sentence, which says ‘we place this petition at your honour’s feet and beg for a solution’. Since the pun of the English language was not known to the writer of the petition, there were exhilarating mistakes. Eg. the petition stated that the farm manager was “giving the works” (work) to the young women and not “giving the works” to the older women. An added ‘s’ made all the difference.
The author’s career took a dramatic turn in the mid-1970s. From agriculture and lands, he moved to international trade and the Department of Imports and Exports. Harry Gunaratna, the Controller, who was a former DLO colleague asked him to come and join him at the department as Deputy Controller. A couple of years later, a vacancy occurred in the Customs Department for what became later known as the post of Deputy Director General. There were many who were interested in this job.
When the Minister of Finance (Felix R. Dias Bandaranaike) asked the relevant officer in the Ministry “whether there was any applicant who had not lobbied to be appointed to this post. He had said that only I had not done so. Besides, I had my Import and Export control experience. He then ordered Mr. Gomez to appoint me to fill the vacancy”. That was how senior appointments were made those days.
Elmo De Silva had an outstanding career at the Customs, and was a central figure in the Sri Lankan economic transition from a controlled to an open market economy. The new government which came into power in 1977 is credited with this economic transformation. While the politicians decided on broad policies, there were many critical tasks which had to be undertaken to make them a working reality. In opening up the economy, the Customs and the tariff system had a key role to play. Elmo De Silva was actively engaged in facilitating this transition – in the removal of tariff barriers, in trade facilitation, reducing the many requirements of documentation and streamlining the procedures involved. He became an authority on trade facilitation, and was much involved in the international engagements which led to agreed procedures among customs bodies internationally.
He describes the many conferences and seminars which he attended. He worked closely with the Export Development Board. He was appointed a member of the Presidential Tariff Commission of the late 1970s. He was also appointed Chairman of the Trade Facilitation Committee. The author expresses his great regard for ministers such as Ronnie de Mel (Finance) and Lalith Athulathmudali (Trade) for their key role in the overall economic transition of the country which was initiated by President J. R. Jayewardene.
The author’s valuable insights into the operations of government in opening up the economy is a major contribution to the understanding of the economic history of that time. What emerges clearly from this volume is also the close working relationship which prevailed at the time between ministers and public servants. Technical advice was much valued, and there was a clear division between political decision making and administrative action.
Elmo De Silva had five years with the World Customs Organization (WCO) in Brussels. This was a key organization in the entire process of opening up world trade, with the establishment of the World Trade Organization and the reduction of tariff and non-tariff barriers. The author’s expertise in trade facilitation was highly regarded in the many countries and in the many organizations with which he worked while in the WCO. The volume is replete with information of his many engagements while in the WCO.
The high quality of Elmo’s contributions while at the WCO, is illustrated by the tribute paid to him by the Organization of American States (in Washington, USA), and which is contained in the volume.
On a personal note. I have known Elmo since our University days at Peradeniya, and as fellow residents of Ramanathan Hall in the 1950s. Since then, our paths have crossed as fellow District Land Officers in the 1960s. It is a privilege to have known Elmo and his wife Naomi. Elmo De Silva is one of the most conscientious public servants I have known in my career – highly principled and dedicated to his work, and at the same time, a friend for all seasons. His autobiography is indeed an important contribution to the understanding of public administration in our time.
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Features
Islamophobia and the threat to democratic development
There’s an ill more dangerous and pervasive than the Coronavirus that’s currently sweeping Sri Lanka. That is the fear to express one’s convictions. Across the public sector of the country in particular many persons holding high office are stringently regulating and controlling the voices of their consciences and this bodes ill for all and the country.
The corrupting impact of fear was discussed in this column a couple of weeks ago when dealing with the military coup in Myanmar. It stands to the enduring credit of ousted Myanmarese Head of Government Aung San Suu Kyi that she, perhaps for the first time in the history of modern political thought, singled out fear, and not power, as the principal cause of corruption within the individual; powerful or otherwise.
To be sure, power corrupts but the corrupting impact of fear is graver and more devastating. For instance, the fear in a person holding ministerial office or in a senior public sector official, that he would lose position and power as a result of speaking out his convictions and sincere beliefs on matters of the first importance, would lead to a country’s ills going unaddressed and uncorrected.
Besides, the individual concerned would be devaluing himself in the eyes of all irrevocably and revealing himself to be a person who would be willing to compromise his moral integrity for petty worldly gain or a ‘mess of pottage’. This happens all the while in Lankan public life. Some of those who have wielded and are wielding immense power in Sri Lanka leave very much to be desired from these standards.
It could be said that fear has prevented Sri Lanka from growing in every vital respect over the decades and has earned for itself the notoriety of being a directionless country.
All these ills and more are contained in the current controversy in Sri Lanka over the disposal of the bodies of Covid victims, for example. The Sri Lankan polity has no choice but to abide by scientific advice on this question. Since authorities of the standing of even the WHO have declared that the burial of the bodies of those dying of Covid could not prove to be injurious to the wider public, the Sri Lankan health authorities could go ahead and sanction the burying of the bodies concerned. What’s preventing the local authorities from taking this course since they claim to be on the side of science? Who or what are they fearing? This is the issue that’s crying out to be probed and answered.
Considering the need for absolute truthfulness and honesty on the part of all relevant persons and quarters in matters such as these, the latter have no choice but to resign from their positions if they are prevented from following the dictates of their consciences. If they are firmly convinced that burials could bring no harm, they are obliged to take up the position that burials should be allowed.
If any ‘higher authority’ is preventing them from allowing burials, our ministers and officials are conscience-bound to renounce their positions in protest, rather than behave compromisingly and engage in ‘double think’ and ‘double talk’. By adopting the latter course they are helping none but keeping the country in a state of chronic uncertainty, which is a handy recipe for social instabiliy and division.
In the Sri Lankan context, the failure on the part of the quarters that matter to follow scientific advice on the burials question could result in the aggravation of Islamophobia, or hatred of the practitioners of Islam, in the country. Sri Lanka could do without this latter phobia and hatred on account of its implications for national stability and development. The 30 year war against separatist forces was all about the prevention by military means of ‘nation-breaking’. The disastrous results for Sri Lanka from this war are continuing to weigh it down and are part of the international offensive against Sri Lanka in the UNHCR.
However, Islamophobia is an almost world wide phenomenon. It was greatly strengthened during Donald Trump’s presidential tenure in the US. While in office Trump resorted to the divisive ruling strategy of quite a few populist authoritarian rulers of the South. Essentially, the manoeuvre is to divide and rule by pandering to the racial prejudices of majority communities.
It has happened continually in Sri Lanka. In the initial post-independence years and for several decades after, it was a case of some populist politicians of the South whipping-up anti-Tamil sentiments. Some Tamil politicians did likewise in respect of the majority community. No doubt, both such quarters have done Sri Lanka immeasurable harm. By failing to follow scientific advice on the burial question and by not doing what is right, Sri Lanka’s current authorities are opening themselves to the charge that they are pandering to religious extremists among the majority community.
The murderous, destructive course of action adopted by some extremist sections among Muslim communities world wide, including of course Sri Lanka, has not earned the condemnation it deserves from moderate Muslims who make-up the preponderant majority in the Muslim community. It is up to moderate opinion in the latter collectivity to come out more strongly and persuasively against religious extremists in their midst. It will prove to have a cementing and unifying impact among communities.
It is not sufficiently appreciated by governments in the global South in particular that by voicing for religious and racial unity and by working consistently towards it, they would be strengthening democratic development, which is an essential condition for a country’s growth in all senses.
A ‘divided house’ is doomed to fall; this is the lesson of history. ‘National security’ cannot be had without human security and peaceful living among communities is central to the latter. There cannot be any ‘double talk’ or ‘politically correct’ opinions on this question. Truth and falsehood are the only valid categories of thought and speech.
Those in authority everywhere claiming to be democratic need to adopt a scientific outlook on this issue as well. Studies conducted on plural societies in South Asia, for example, reveal that the promotion of friendly, cordial ties among communities invariably brings about healing among estranged groups and produces social peace. This is the truth that is waiting to be acted upon.
Features
Pakistan’s love of Sri Lanka
By Sanjeewa Jayaweera
It was on 3rd January 1972 that our family arrived in Karachi from Moscow. Our departure from Moscow had been delayed for a few weeks due to the military confrontation between Pakistan and India. It ended on 16th December 1971. After that, international flights were not permitted for some time.
The contrast between Moscow and Karachi was unbelievable. First and foremost, Moscow’s temperature was near minus 40 degrees centigrade, while in Karachi, it was sunny and a warm 28 degrees centigrade. However, what struck us most was the extreme warmth with which the airport authorities greeted our family. As my father was a diplomat, we were quickly ushered to the airport’s VIP Lounge. We were in transit on our way to Rawalpindi, the airport serving the capital of Islamabad.
We quickly realized that the word “we are from Sri Lanka” opened all doors just as saying “open sesame” gained entry to Aladdin’s cave! The broad smile, extreme courtesy, and genuine warmth we received from the Pakistani people were unbelievable.
This was all to do with Mrs Sirima Bandaranaike’s decision to allow Pakistani aircraft to land in Colombo to refuel on the way to Dhaka in East Pakistan during the military confrontation between Pakistan and India. It was a brave decision by Mrs Bandaranaike (Mrs B), and the successive governments and Sri Lanka people are still enjoying the fruits of it. Pakistan has been a steadfast and loyal supporter of our country. They have come to our assistance time and again in times of great need when many have turned their back on us. They have indeed been an “all-weather” friend of our country.
Getting back to 1972, I was an early beneficiary of Pakistani people’s love for Sri Lankans. I failed the entrance exam to gain entry to the only English medium school in Islamabad! However, when I met the Principal, along with my father, he said, “Sanjeewa, although you failed the entrance exam, I will this time make an exception as Sri Lankans are our dear friends.” After that, the joke around the family dinner table was that I owed my education in Pakistan to Mrs B!
At school, my brother and I were extended a warm welcome and always greeted “our good friends from Sri Lanka.” I felt when playing cricket for our college; our runs were cheered more loudly than of others.
One particular incident that I remember well was when the Embassy received a telex from the Foreign inistry. It requested that our High Commissioner seek an immediate meeting with the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr Zulifikar Ali Bhutto (ZB), and convey a message from Mrs B. The message requested that an urgent shipment of rice be dispatched to Sri Lanka as there would be an imminent rice shortage. As the Ambassador was not in the station, the responsibility devolved on my father.
It usually takes about a week or more to get an audience with the Prime Minister (PM) of a foreign country due to their busy schedule. However, given the urgency, my father spoke to the Foreign Ministry’s Permanent Sectary, who fortunately was our neighbour and sought an urgent appointment. My father received a call from the PM’s secretary around 10 P.M asking him to come over to the PM’s residence. My father met ZB around midnight. ZB was about to retire to bed and, as such, was in his pyjamas and gown enjoying a cigar! He had greeted my father and had asked, “Mr Jayaweera, what can we do for great friend Madam Bandaranaike?. My father conveyed the message from Colombo and quietly mentioned that there would be riots in the country if there is no rice!
ZB had immediately got the Food Commissioner of Pakistan on the line and said, “I want a shipload of rice to be in Colombo within the next 72 hours!” The Food Commissioner reverted within a few minutes, saying that nothing was available and the last export shipment had left the port only a few hours ago to another country. ZB had instructed to turn the ship around and send it to Colombo. This despite protests from the Food Commissioner about terms and conditions of the Letter of Credit prohibiting non-delivery. Sri Lanka got its delivery of rice!
The next was the visit of Mrs B to Pakistan. On arrival in Rawalpindi airport, she was given a hero’s welcome, which Pakistan had previously only offered to President Gaddafi of Libya, who financially backed Pakistan with his oil money. That day, I missed school and accompanied my parents to the airport. On our way, we witnessed thousands of people had gathered by the roadside to welcome Mrs B.
When we walked to the airport’s tarmac, thousands of people were standing in temporary stands waving Sri Lanka and Pakistan flags and chanting “Sri Lanka Pakistan Zindabad.” The noise emanating from the crowd was as loud and passionate as the cheering that the Pakistani cricket team received during a test match. It was electric!
I believe she was only the second head of state given the privilege of addressing both assemblies of Parliament. The other being Gaddafi. There was genuine affection from Mrs B amongst the people of Pakistan.
I always remember the indefatigable efforts of Mr Abdul Haffez Kardar, a cabinet minister and the President of the Pakistan Cricket Board. From around 1973 onwards, he passionately championed Sri Lanka’s cause to be admitted as a full member of the International Cricket Council (ICC) and granted test status. Every year, he would propose at the ICC’s annual meeting, but England and Australia’s veto kept us out until 1981.
I always felt that our Cricket Board made a mistake by not inviting Pakistan to play our inaugural test match. We should have appreciated Mr Kardar and Pakistan’s efforts. In 1974 the Pakistan board invited our team for a tour involving three test matches and a few first-class games. Most of those who played in our first test match was part of that tour, and no doubt gained significant exposure playing against a highly talented Pakistani team.
Several Pakistani greats were part of the Pakistan and India team that played a match soon after the Central Bank bomb in Colombo to prove that it was safe to play cricket in Colombo. It was a magnificent gesture by both Pakistan and India. Our greatest cricket triumph was in Pakistan when we won the World Cup in 1996. I am sure the players and those who watched the match on TV will remember the passionate support our team received that night from the Pakistani crowd. It was like playing at home!
I also recall reading about how the Pakistani government air freighted several Multi Barrell artillery guns and ammunition to Sri Lanka when the A rmy camp in Jaffna was under severe threat from the LTTE. This was even more important than the shipload of rice that ZB sent. This was crucial as most other countries refused to sell arms to our country during the war.
Time and again, Pakistan has steadfastly supported our country’s cause at the UNHCR. No doubt this year, too, their diplomats will work tirelessly to assist our country.
We extend a warm welcome to Mr Imran Khan, the Prime Minister of Pakistan. He is a truly inspirational individual who was undoubtedly an excellent cricketer. Since retirement from cricket, he has decided to get involved in politics, and after several years of patiently building up his support base, he won the last parliamentary elections. I hope that just as much as he galvanized Sri Lankan cricketers, his political journey would act as a catalyst for people like Kumar Sangakkara and Mahela Jayawardene to get involved in politics. Cricket has been called a “gentleman’s game.” Whilst politics is far from it!.
Features
Covid-19 health rules disregarded at entertainment venues?
Believe me, seeing certain videos, on social media, depicting action, on the dance floor, at some of these entertainment venues, got me wondering whether this Coronavirus pandemic is REAL!
To those having a good time, at these particular venues, and, I guess, the management, as well, what the world is experiencing now doesn’t seem to be their concerned.
Obviously, such irresponsible behaviour could create more problems for those who are battling to halt the spread of Covid-19, and the new viriant of Covid, in our part of the world.
The videos, on display, on social media, show certain venues, packed to capacity – with hardly anyone wearing a mask, and social distancing…only a dream..
How can one think of social distancing while gyrating, on a dance floor, that is over crowded!
If this trend continues, it wouldn’t be a surprise if Coronavirus makes its presence felt…at such venues.
And, then, what happens to the entertainment scene, and those involved in this field, especially the musicians? No work, whatsoever!
Lots of countries have closed nightclubs, and venues, where people gather, in order to curtail the spread of this deadly virus that has already claimed the lives of thousands.
Thailand did it and the country is still having lots of restrictions, where entertainment is concerned, and that is probably the reason why Thailand has been able to control the spread of the Coronavirus.
With a population of over 69 million, they have had (so far), a little over 25,000 cases, and 83 deaths, while we, with a population of around 21 million, have over 80,000 cases, and more than 450 deaths.
I’m not saying we should do away with entertainment – totally – but we need to follow a format, connected with the ‘new normal,’ where masks and social distancing are mandatory requirements at these venues. And, dancing, I believe, should be banned, at least temporarily, as one can’t maintain the required social distance, while on the dance floor, especially after drinks.
Police spokesman DIG Ajith Rohana keeps emphasising, on TV, radio, and in the newspapers, the need to adhere to the health regulations, now in force, and that those who fail to do so would be penalised.
He has also stated that plainclothes officers would move around to apprehend such offenders.
Perhaps, he should instruct his officers to pay surprise visits to some of these entertainment venues.
He would certainly have more than a bus load of offenders to be whisked off for PCR/Rapid Antigen tests!
I need to quote what Dr. H.T. Wickremasinghe said in his article, published in The Island of Tuesday, February 16th, 2021:
“…let me conclude, while emphasising the need to continue our general public health measures, such as wearing masks, social distancing, and avoiding crowded gatherings, to reduce the risk of contact with an infected person.
“There is no science to beat common sense.”
But…do some of our folks have this thing called COMMON SENSE!